How have we reached the brink of a new nuclear age – one scarier and more uncertain than ever before? Many blame the recent proliferation on non-nuclear weapons states acquiring nuclear technology, and certainly that contributed. Unfortunately, a large share of the blame also lies with nuclear weapons states, particularly the U.S. and Russia. Instead of continuing along a path of disarmament, they are now gearing towards a nuclear policy reminiscent of the Cold War. As noted by George Monbiot in The Guardian, “By failing to disarm and breaking the rules when it suits, nuclear states are driving proliferation as much as Ahmadinejad.”

In the past seven years, the U.S. has witnessed an almost complete reversal in nuclear policy. The U.S. has replaced a no first use policy with one that condones preemptive nuclear strikes, even upon non-nuclear weapons states. During his administration, President Bush has threatened certain countries, such as Iraq, Syria, and Iran, with nuclear attacks. So far, the U.S. has appeared supportive of Israel’s possible intention to bomb Iran, even if Israel uses nuclear weapons. In 2002, the U.S. withdrew from the Antiballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty, so that it could focus on designing a missile defense system without being in violation of the treaty. Since then, missile defense has been ongoing in national defense legislation. A 2007 amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act, which passed 90-5, established U.S. policy to develop and deploy a national missile defense as soon as possible, while a 2004 amendment proposed an acceleration of the testing process. There have also been numerous amendments to defense authorization and budget acts which attempt to increase funding for missile defense. Missile defense tends to spur proliferation, as governments must look to improve their own offensive capabilities. U.S. desires to place missile defense interceptors in Poland and the Czech Republic have drawn statements from Russia that this will be seen as an act of war.

In the arena of disarmament, the U.S. is also reneging on the agreement made in the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty to reduce its nuclear arsenal, and shifting policy towards a goal of not only maintaining, but also modernizing, its nuclear arsenal. In 2003, the Senate agreed to an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act by a 59-38 vote which repeals the prohibition on research and development of low yield nuclear weapons. Urged by President Bush, Congress attempted to pass an amendment earlier this year that allows for reliable replacement warheads (RRW), which replaces the warheads on the current nuclear arsenal with better ones. Although the administration vehemently denies the need for nuclear testing, many have argued that it is unlikely that warheads will be replaced without testing. The U.S. has been under a nuclear testing moratorium for many years, but that could change in an instant. In July, General Ken Chilton, a top nuclear weapons commander, stated that “the nation should not rule out the possibility of resuming nuclear testing to ensure the reliability of the U.S. strategic arsenal.” Further, the U.S. has avoided working towards extending the provisions of the START II Treaty, which are set to expire soon.